Corrections and Juvenile Rehabilitation Part 2: Questions legislators should ask
In an effort to address the state's current budget difficulties, Governor
Locke has proposed the release of 1,200 prison inmates and the elimination
of all follow-up supervision for more than 24,000 recently released low-and
moderate-risk offenders.
The governor made this fairly alarming proposal after reviewing agency
activities in the framework of his new Priorities of Government (POG) budget
model. The POG process looked at agency activities and purchased those that
ranked high on the governor's priority list. It's a good model, but in this
case the governor left out an important consideration: cutting important
services isn't the only way to find cost savings. Necessary savings can
also be found by providing those services more efficiently.
While we agree with Locke's plan to eliminate supervision for low-risk
offenders who have served their time, we question the wisdom of eliminating
supervision for more serious offenders. If legislators decide not to cut
supervision of moderate risk offenders, they will be left with the task
of finding a more effective and efficient way to deliver that supervision
while still balancing the state budget.
They could start by taking a serious look at competitive bidding, which
has worked for many other states and countries, and by implementing important
reforms to address the growing number of illegal aliens in our state's prison
system.
These same measures would be applicable to the state's Division of Juvenile
Rehabilitation, which shares many objectives with the Department of Corrections.
COMPETITIVE BIDDING
States around the nation are dealing with increasing prison populations
and the corresponding increase in budget demands. Many are addressing the
issue by putting services like prison facility construction, prison operations,
health and dental care for inmates, alcohol and drug treatment, and mental
health services up for competitive bid. States taking advantage of the savings
afforded by awarding projects to the most competitive bidder include California,
Florida, Texas, and Pennsylvania. Internationally, countries like Australia,
New Zealand, South Africa and the United Kingdom have also realized benefits
from this approach.
The California-based Reason
Public Policy Institute recently published an analysis of 28 different
studies comparing the costs and quality of correctional facilities managed
by government to those managed by private entities. The analysis reported
that 22 of the 28 studies "found significant savings from privatization
[competitive bidding]." In addition to the cost savings, the study
emphasized the improvements in quality and innovation that resulted from
the competition.
Previous studies show competitive bidding results in average cost savings
of five to fifteen percent, depending on the extent of the contract and
the rules governing the contractor. If Washington state put its correctional
services up for competitive bid and had comparable results, five percent
would amount to budget savings of $55 million. If costs were cut by fifteen
percent, taxpayers would save $164 million.
Perhaps the most innovative model of competitive bidding can be found in
Australia. One of that country's states uses a performance-based budget
contract that allows a contractor to receive three kinds of payment. First,
a contractor receives payment to cover prisoner housing, which generally
offsets the debt incurred for prison construction. Second, the contractor
receives payment to cover the cost of food, health care, education, facility
staff, and other programs. Finally, a contractor receives payment contingent
on achievement of previously agreed upon performance indicators in the services
listed above. This provides incentive for effective performance in all areas
and allows government to quickly evaluate and approve or disapprove a contractor's
work.
ILLEGAL ALIENS IN STATE PRISONS
In addition to competitive bidding of prisons and services, Washington could
realize savings by addressing the growing number of illegal aliens incarcerated
by the state. While federal law requires the deportation of illegal alien
felons, our state does not deport them until they complete their prison
sentence. The Department of Corrections (DOC) estimates there are about
950 illegal aliens currently in our prison system. These individuals add
nearly $40 million to DOC's expenditures each budget cycle.
This should prompt lawmakers to ask some important questions:
Other states deport non-violent illegal aliens upon conviction.
Why do Washington taxpayers continue to pay the cost of their incarceration?
Should taxpayers continue to pay for the "rehabilitation"
of felons only to deport them?
Should the state seek ways to contract with other states or countries
to incarcerate violent, illegal alien felons? (Please see RCW 72.68.010
and RCW 43.06.350)
Realizing that some state agencies refuse to verify or report
the citizenship status of those receiving various taxpayer-provided benefits,
should these agencies be liable for the prison costs of illegal aliens
who commit felonies?
Deporting non-violent illegal aliens upon conviction could save the state
between $5 and $15 million a biennium. Illegal residents who commit violent
offenses should be separated from the general prison population so that
contracts for their incarceration can be considered with the federal government,
private companies, or the individual's home country.
OTHER COST-SAVING ALTERNATIVES
A recent study completed by Michigan's Mackinac
Center for Public Policy recommends that the state consider modeling
its probation and parole systems after the bail system. Along with other
release requirements, such a system would require the offender to post bail
before parole. Probation violations would result in the bond money being
turned back over to the criminal justice system. This would provide incentive
for a parolee to comply with probation standards, as well as add a private
bondsman's watchful eye to his or her behavior.
Prepared by Jason Mercier, Budget
Research Analyst (360) 956-3482
At a March 23, 2005, House Appropriations hearing on a bill to gut the voter-approved I-601 spending limit, Rep. Jim McIntire (D) asked a supporter of I-601’s two-third supermajority requirement for the legislature to raise taxes the following question:
"Can you name a time when we [legislators] have actually not just set it [supermajority requirement] aside by majority vote? I mean, this is in many respects a procedural motion that has no bearing. It’s a statutory constraint that cannot constrain any legislature that chooses as a majority to set it aside . . . have we ever used a supermajority [to raise taxes]?"