Welfare and Children's Services Part 3: Questions legislators should ask
Providing crucial public services for vulnerable and needy individuals
in our state and communities is an important job and should be done as efficiently
and effectively as possible. That is why state legislators should carefully
consider the merits of putting specific government services up for competitive
bid. While government may be responsible for ensuring a service is
provided, it may not always be the best at delivering the service.
Often private companies with well-established expertise can provide a service
far more effectively than government can.
Many states around the nation have adopted competitive bidding to provide
welfare and children's services. Saving money isn't the only benefit; studies
have confirmed an increase in the quality of services provided to those
in need as a result of healthy competition among providers.
While some special interest groups want to ensure that no current state
employees are displaced by competitive contracting, lawmakers should consider
first and foremost the best interests of taxpayers and the individuals in
need of important services.
Welfare Programs
Federal welfare reform law established in 1996 (in the form of the Personal
Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act) opened the door
for states to put all of their welfare services out for competitive bid,
including, for the first time, eligibility determination. This resulted
in many states pioneering numerous reforms that have reduced the nation's
welfare caseloads.
While Washington has made progress reducing its welfare caseloads, other
states have had more rapid success. Along with current contracts our state
has awarded for specific services, additional progress can be made if the
state considers contracting out entire programs.
For example, the entire WorkFirst Employment Program could be put
out for competitive bid. State law (RCW
74.08A.290) already permits contracting for some WorkFirst activities
and should be fully expanded to include all welfare programs. There is no
need for the state to run any day-to-day operations of programs if meaningful
oversight is combined with strong performance standards.
A 2002
study completed by the Cato Institute concluded that between 1996 and
2000 states "with the strongest sanctions and lowest benefit levels
had the most success in reducing their caseloads." Washington could
follow the lead of other states to reduce welfare caseloads, save taxpayer
dollars, and target services to those who actually need them by enforcing
meaningful sanctions. Individuals who violate eligibility requirements should
be subject to lower benefits and other appropriate penalties.
Nationally, three types of sanctions are used. They come in to play (generally
in the form of reduced benefits) if welfare recipients fail to meet work
requirements.
1) Full Family Sanctions: Implemented at the first eligibility
infraction with an entire family benefit check being reduced.
2) Graduated Sanctions: A portion of a family benefit check is
reduced for the first infraction, with the entire benefit check sanctioned
after multiple infractions.
3) Partial Sanctions: Only the adult portion of a family benefit
check is reduced, even after multiple infractions.
Washington currently imposes partial sanctions, but should consider the
merits of adopting full and graduated sanctions.
Children's Services
Sometimes called "child welfare services," these include child
support and adoption services, among others. As other states have shown,
these services can also be bid successfully.
New Mexico has established online child support forms, which allow immediate
access to information and have resulted in significantly less caseload work
for staff. In some cases, entire transactions can be accomplished with no
staff. Kansas has contracted all of its child welfare services (with the
exception of abuse and neglect investigations) to a private company. Florida
is moving to privatize child welfare services outright in the wake of public
scandals resulting from the agency's loss of numerous children in its
care.
It can be difficult to hold agencies responsible when mistakes are made,
and taxpayers often end up paying the cost of tort claims brought against
the state. With carefully constructed performance-based contracts, our state
would have more time to concentrate on outcomes, rather than simply funneling
clients through its system. If a contractor fails to do a job well, he can
be held accountable; the contract can be terminated and liability can be
assigned for wrongdoing. In addition, if contractors or agencies do well,
they can be rewarded.
The mission statement of Washington's Economic Services Administration
(ESA) is "to enable individuals and families in need to achieve economic
and social well-being." In fact, ESA has already entered into some
private contracts. This practice should be extended on a program-wide scale.
Conclusion
Government's job is to provide limited essential services as efficiently
and effectively as possible. Taxpayers deserve to know their dollars are
being spent well, and individuals in need of aid will be better served if
competition and accountability are part of the system. Service delivery
must never be compromised to protect a special interest group. With that
in mind, legislators should evaluate current services for potential cost
savings and increased quality, starting with a review of successes from
other states.
Prepared by Jason Mercier, Budget
Research Analyst (360) 956-3482
At a March 23, 2005, House Appropriations hearing on a bill to gut the voter-approved I-601 spending limit, Rep. Jim McIntire (D) asked a supporter of I-601’s two-third supermajority requirement for the legislature to raise taxes the following question:
"Can you name a time when we [legislators] have actually not just set it [supermajority requirement] aside by majority vote? I mean, this is in many respects a procedural motion that has no bearing. It’s a statutory constraint that cannot constrain any legislature that chooses as a majority to set it aside . . . have we ever used a supermajority [to raise taxes]?"