Liquor Control Board: A case for the state
giving up the booze business
By Hans A. Zeiger, Evergreen Freedom Foundation
Washington state's Liquor Control Board has a long track record of corruption
and mismanagement, and the reason is simple: It is a monopoly in charge
of both regulating and distributing the product it sells.
A state audit recently uncovered $839,706.90 in unauthorized payments made
by the Washington State Liquor Control Board (LCB) to a vendor who submitted
false billing records. The vendorRussell Lee LaFountaineinflated
delivery weights on 600 shipments by 5,000 pounds each, billed for 1,370
deliveries that were never made, and double-billed for 273 orders (1).
This wasn't the first little hiccup in the LCB's accounting. In February
2002, State Auditor Brian Sonntag discovered the Board couldn't figure out
what happened to $421 million worth of sales (2).
In 2001, it was the fiasco surrounding the Board's new, but useless,
$32 million liquor distribution warehouse (3).
A litany of additional audits have uncovered misappropriation of funds,
lack of internal controls, misuse of petty cash, and non-compliance with
state laws governing distribution.
So what's going on? In the case of LaFountaine's heist it's simple: there
wasn't much to stop him. Staff are not required to verify reported deliveries
and weights and LaFountaine was not required to provide original copies
of his invoices (4). Further, he was a friend
of the staff member who reviewed his billings and personally delivered his
payments (5).
Other problems can be blamed on administrative changes made by the Board
in 1999, such as the decree that invoices no longer had to be "reconciled."
(Current Board members are unable to recall who made this change, or even
who hired Russell LaFountaine.)(6)
These internal shortcomings are all symptoms of the bigger problem: as
the sole distributor of liquor and the entity responsible for regulating
liquor sales, the Liquor Board is a monopoly operating with a blatant conflict
of interest.
As one Seattle Times editorial remarked, "The Board's very mission
challenges logic: At the same time as it is supposed to keep minors from
buying liquor and drunks from getting drunker, it is responsible for keeping
liquor profits flowing into the state treasury."(7)
It seems impossible that state officials are blind to this obvious "fiasco
waiting to happen." The Board's dual purpose ensures that neither liquor
sales nor efforts to regulate and educate will be managed effectively. First,
since the state has a monopoly over the sale of liquor, it has no incentive
to set competitive prices and consumers have no choice of vendors. Second,
the state will hardly be inspired to effectively deter excessive use of
alcohol among adults when its revenue is dependent on that use.
Certainly the larger question, in this day and age, is why the state is
even in the liquor business at all. Selling booze is not a core function
of government.
Washington state should take steps to privatize its liquor sales, as many
other states and countries have done around the world.
How did it all begin?
In 1934, Washington state was not alone in its creation of a Liquor Control
Boardthe turbulent results of a short-lived Prohibition demanded response
(8). What remains today however, nearly seventy
years later, is a painful hangover. Is the Board really serving the best
interests of the state's citizens?
The LCB is comprised of three governor-appointed panel members who each
serve a six-year term and earn an annual salary of $70,000. Qualifications
for the positions? "None specified by law."(9)
The three Board members oversee a staff of 1,265 and operate on a $140 million
annual budget (10).
The LCB's primary stated purpose is to "oversee the sale and distribution
of alcoholic beverages," and the Board claims to accomplish this task
through "licensing, enforcement, education, and controlled distribution
and merchandising systems."(11)
Washington is now one of only eighteen states that directly controls the
regulation, distribution and sale of alcohol. Thirty-two states and the
District of Columbia, as well as many countries around the world, have privatized
liquor sales and limited their role to managing sales licenses and any associated
taxes (12).
Thus far, Washington officials and lawmakers who have tried to move in
the direction of privatization have been soundly rejected. In 1994, Governor
Mike Lowry proposed legislation that would allow private bidders to buy
and operate a number of liquor franchises. The bill died in its first committee
hearing (13). Representative Kathy Lambert
sponsored a similar bill in 1999, and it too died a swift death (14).
The climate surrounding the issue was apparent again in 2000 when Governor
Gary Locke appointed a panel of eighteen citizens to review and enhance
the Liquor Board's effectiveness. The panel examined three options: (15)
1. Retain the current Liquor Control Board with operational improvements.
2. Privatize retail sales while retaining state wholesale operations.
3. Privatize all liquor sales operations, including wholesale operations.
Option 3 was immediately eliminated from consideration. Five of the eighteen
panel members recommended Option 2, but that idea was also eliminated by
the majority. The panel voted 11-5 to keep the current system. The minority
panelists weren't the only ones unhappy with the decision. "The panel
has offered bad advice," wrote the Walla Walla Union Bulletin. "The
state should get out of the booze-selling business."(16)
While the governor appoints the LCB's panel members, the Board does not
answer directly to him for its decisions. In fact, it doesn't answer to
anybody. When Board members create new regulations, those regulations are
binding. When they make financial decisions, those decisions are not reviewed
by any outside authority. Recognizing the tendency of power to protect itself,
it is little wonder the Board offers no meaningful accountability.
As Michigan's Mackinac Center for Public Policy so aptly stated, "It
may not be easy to remove state government from its liquor operations. As
long as the state-imposed price markups feed the public treasury, the state
will not want to leave the liquor price control and wholesaling business."(17)
What about the money?
During its existence, the LCB has pulled in more than $4 billion for state
and local budgets. Last year, more than $200 million was collected from
taxes and license fees imposed on the retail sales of beer, wine and other
alcoholic beverages (18).
But the state's liquor income has been declining overall for the past several
years. The LCB's budget may seem whopping at $140 million this year, but
that's down from $200 million last year and $447 million the year before.
Perhaps spending its revenue to convince consumers not to buy its product
is working for the state after all (19). In
any event, the state's liquor income is uncertain and unreliable.
So what happens to the state's revenue if liquor sales are privatized?
For one thing, the state can likely cash-in on $125-150 million up front
by auctioning off its sales operations. In addition, far from cutting off
the flow of revenue to the state, privatization "generates a steady
stream of new revenues from business taxes paid by private liquor stores."(20)
A 1991 study conducted by the Commonwealth Foundation of Pennsylvania to
explore that state's taxation options under privatized liquor sales concluded
that basic business taxes and license fees would produce funding equal to
what the state was pulling in prior to privatization (21).
Learning by example
Privatization is working well in other states and countries. As mentioned
earlier, 32 states are classified as "non-controlled," meaning
they have ceded their liquor operations to the private sector on a license
basis. Some of these states have undergone this reform just in the past
fifteen years. Iowa privatized its retail liquor sales in 1987, with one
state legislator noting, "It strikes me as hypocritical to have Iowa
all uptight about drunk drivers and also sell the stuff."(22)
Michigan followed Iowa's example two years later (23).
Then, in 1990, West Virginia sold its retail liquor sales for more than
$20 million (24). And Ohio followed suit in
1991, privatizing 75 stores for a net gain of $10 million (25).
According to the World Health Organization, alcohol is privatized on a
license basis in more than forty major countries, including Australia, Canada,
Denmark, India, Ireland, Italy, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland,
Taiwan, and the United Kingdom (26). A 1994
study published by the World Health Organization shows that in developed
countries, privatization can indeed be effectively balanced with efforts
to reduce alcohol abuse (27).
Taiwan privatized liquor sales this past January, resulting in a significant
increase in liquor retail, brewer and distiller tax collections. Having
previously relied on imported liquor, Taiwan's privatization of alcohol
production opened the doors to a new domestic industry, stimulating the
economy and diversifying the country's agricultural interests (28).
In Canada, the province of Alberta moved to privatize all liquor sales
in 1993. Alberta sold its assets for a net of $82 million (29)
and, according to the Fraser Institute, "the privatization of liquor
retailing in Alberta has had quantifiable impacts on liquor store locations,
product selection, prices, wages, employment, and government revenues."(30)
Just what were those impacts? Privatization resulted in the opening of
840 new stores, which led to an expanded tax base and increased tax revenues
(31). In fact, as revenues increased, Alberta's
Legislative Assembly had to lower taxes four times to keep revenues constant!(32)
The jump in Alberta's tax revenues was so eye-catching Ontario was soon
looking at the privatization of liquor sales in its hunt for solutions to
a $5 billion deficit in 2001 (33). "It's
not simply expenditure cuts, but it's also the possibility of increasing
the revenue side of things as well," said Ontario official David Tsubouchi
(34).
Alberta discovered other benefits to privatization as well. In the seven
years following the transition, the overall crime rate at liquor stores
in Calgary declined by 32 percent. "Break and entry declined because
criminals who approached were more likely to find staff in attendance,"
according to the Frontier Center for Public Policy (35).
In August 2002, British Columbia officials also began taking significant
steps toward privatization of liquor sales. Listing the government's goals
for these reforms, B.C.'s Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General
included plans to: (36)
Reduce red tape and bureaucratic delays
Provide a strong focus of safe and responsible liquor service
Strengthen local involvement in liquor licensing decisions
Promote B.C.'s tourism and hospitality industry
Regulate liquor service in an efficient and effective manner
Reforms for Washington State
Two key questions must be answered before the state can effectively address
the issues surrounding the regulation and distribution of liquor.
First, is the consumption of alcohol inherently bad for individuals and
the community? If it is, the Prohibitionists were correct in their attempts
to ban it completely. But if it isn't, allow it to be privatized where it
can be more efficiently and effectively managed within the bounds of healthy
competition.
Second, is ownership of liquor distribution necessary for effective regulation?
If it is, the decision of Governor Locke's review panel to keep the current
system is the best route to go. But if liquor can be properly regulated
without a government monopoly on its distribution, privatize.
Washington lawmakers can learn from other states and countries that have
reformed their regulation and sales of liquor in a sane and responsible
way. Privatization cannot be achieved overnight, but there are gradual steps
to encourage its progress. Stated simply, some short-term steps include:
Simplifying and shortening the license approval process.
Reducing the number of license types.
Eliminating regulations that have no health or public safety relevance.
Selling or auctioning off the state's 318 liquor stores.
Issuing private licenses to existing stores.
Granting a limited number of new licenses until privatization has
stabilized.
Eventually, fully privatizing the wholesale distribution of liquor.
Adjusting wholesale and retail liquor taxes and license fees to meet
or exceed pre-privatized state liquor income.
Getting the state out of the wine industry. (Irresponsible wine consumption
is not a widespread problem and wineries in Washington are dependent on
efficient sales.)
Providing more severe penalties for individuals who violate the law
through fraud or other corrupt means. (People who waste or divert tax dollars
for personal gain should be immediately relieved of their position and should
face deterrent penalties.)
Creating more effective accountability measures, including oversight
hearings and tighter budget language.
Prohibition is over, yet Washington state is still operating a monopoly
in the liquor regulation and distribution business. It's time for lawmakers
to learn from the successful examples of other states and countries and
end this blatant conflict of interest for the benefit of Washington's taxpayers.
Notes:
1. Washington State Auditor's Office. Washington State Liquor Control
Board. 14 August 2002: 3.
2. Washington State Auditor's Office. State of Washington Accountability
Report. 7 February 2002.
3. "Liquor Control Board's warehouse is $32 million fiasco."
Halsne, Chris. KIRO 7 Eyewitness News. 26 February 2001.
4. Gigi Zenk, staff, Liquor Control Board. Phone interview, August 2002.
5. Brad Shannon. (2002, August 15). The Olympian. Alcohol fraud plan
detailed.
6. Zenk, Gigi. Phone interview. Liquor Control Board. August 2002.
7. Dionne Searcey. (1999 October 31). Seattle Times. State faces hard
choices when it comes to hard liquor.
8. Liquor Control Board. (2002 January). A Control State System Regulating
Alcohol Responsibly. <http://www.liq.wa.gov/publications>
9. Dionne Searcey. (1999 October 31). Seattle Times. The pay: $70,000
a year; job qualifications: none.
10. Liquor Control Board. (2002 January). A Control State System Regulating
Alcohol Responsibly.
11. ibid.
12. National Alcohol Beverage Control Association. The Control States.
<http://www.nabca.org/control.html>
13. Washington State Liquor Control Board. Executive Summary.
<http://www.liq.wa.gov>
14. Malkin, Michelle. (2 March 1999). Seattle Times. State Liquor Board
is due for a wholesale makeover.
15. Washington State Liquor Control Board. Executive Summary.
<http://www.liq.wa.gov>
16. (5 December 2000). Walla Walla Union Bulletin. Washington State
should get out of liquor business.
17. LaFaive, Michael. (1 June 1997). Mackinac Center for Public Policy.
Liquor Privatization: Pouring a 200-proof opportunity down the drain
18. Currier, Tricia. Liquor Control Board. "Where does the Liquor
revenue go?"
<http://www.liq.wa.gov/releases/funds.asp>
19. Liquor Control Board. "Strategic Plan." July 2003-08.
<http://www.liq.wa.gov/board/LCB%20Strategic%20Plan.pdf>
20. Eggers, William D. (January 1993). Reason Public Policy Institute.
"Privatization Opportunities for States." < http://www.rppi.org/privatization/ps154.html>
21. Buck PhD, Andrew. (January 1997). Privatizing Wine and Liquor Distribution
in Pennsylvania. Commonwealth Foundation for Public Policy Alternatives.
22. Alcohol Research Group. (1991). Alcohol Monopolies and Alcohol Control.
<www.bks.no/monopoly.htm>
23. Reason Public Policy Institute. Liquor Sales and Distribution. <http://www.rppi.org>
24. ibid.
25. ibid.
26. World Health Organization. List of countries with privatized or
license-only liquor policies. <http://www.who.int.>
27. World Health Organization.(1999). Global Status Report on Alcohol.
<http://www.who.int/substance_abuse/PDFfiles/
global_alcohol_status_report>
28. Chou, Wilma. Taiwan Government Information Office. Farmers Eye new
business as government liquor monopoly abolished. <http://publish.gio.gov.tw/fcj/past/02020841.html>
29. Frontier Center for Public Policy. (28 August 2000). Alberta's Liquor
Policy Bonanza.<http://www.fcpp.org.>
30. Fraser Institute. The Economic Impacts of Privatization. <http://www.oldfraser.lexi.net>
36. BC Liquor Control and Licensing. (10 June 2002). Liquor Policy Review.
<http://www.pssg.gov.bc.ca/lclb/plrev.htm>
The Evergreen Freedom Foundation is a non-profit public policy research
organization dedicated to preserving and advancing individual liberty, free
enterprise and limited and accountable government.
At a March 23, 2005, House Appropriations hearing on a bill to gut the voter-approved I-601 spending limit, Rep. Jim McIntire (D) asked a supporter of I-601’s two-third supermajority requirement for the legislature to raise taxes the following question:
"Can you name a time when we [legislators] have actually not just set it [supermajority requirement] aside by majority vote? I mean, this is in many respects a procedural motion that has no bearing. It’s a statutory constraint that cannot constrain any legislature that chooses as a majority to set it aside . . . have we ever used a supermajority [to raise taxes]?"