In a few short months voters will make decisions that will impact citizens’ lives for years to come. Representatives will be elected to office, initiatives will pass or fail, and laws will be implemented and repealed.
Do you ever wonder who’s influencing this crucial decision-making?
In a speech to delegates last year, Washington Education Association (WEA) President Lee Ann Prielipp stated that in the 1998 elections "we set our sights on a shift in the State Senate, and–in large part, thanks to our efforts–we not only succeeded in electing a pro-education upper chamber, but we managed a 49-49 split in the House as well."
Prielipp and the handful of union leaders who control the WEA have become the most potent special interest group in the state. From the mandatory dues of teachers, they collect more than $43 million annually, much of which is spent to influence the way we vote.
This year the WEA is throwing staff and member dues into two education-related initiatives: I-728 (more funding for public schools) and I-732 (annual cost-of-living increases in teacher salaries). As of June the WEA had dumped more than $164,000 into I-732, and its affiliate, the Seattle Education Association (SEA), was running the campaign for I-728 from its headquarters. Managing the campaign for I-728 is an experienced activist, paraded as a "volunteer mom," who was paid by the SEA in 1996 to help coordinate the fight against school choice initiatives.
Unfortunately, Prielipp and crew conduct much of their electioneering "under cover." They seldom ask teachers for permission before raiding their paychecks, nor do they fully comply with laws requiring them to disclose the policies and candidates they support and oppose.
Taxpaying citizens who will underwrite the costs of any new policy have a right to know who’s influencing elections. But the WEA disguises its motives and operates stealth campaigns. Ironically, it has also tried to avoid its own tax liability by reporting to the IRS that it does not use member dues for political activity. Perhaps this is a reflection of its parent organization, the National Education Association (NEA). According to a recent Associated Press story the NEA also has been misreporting its political activity to the IRS.
Involvement in the political arena is a legitimate and necessary part of the WEA’s advocacy on behalf of its members. But rather than be up front about its activity and obtain funds voluntarily from its members, the WEA tries to downplay its enormous influence by masquerading a sophisticated and savvy campaign staff as a group of concerned but inexperienced soccer moms.
In issues that concern teachers the WEA should make its voice heard. However, it does not confine its involvement or teachers’ money to education-related issues. In the past it has advocated and opposed legislation dealing with homosexual rights, property rights, and license tabs, issues many of its members have strong differing convictions on.
More importantly, its activities are not always pro-education. For instance, if the charter school initiative, I-729, qualifies for the ballot this fall, will we again see large WEA contributions to a venomous anti-charter school campaign because teachers at those schools aren’t required to join the union?
Who pays the salaries of the WEA’s highly trained staff? Who pays for the expensive TV and radio ad campaigns designed by union officials?
Teachers do, often unwillingly.
Teachers who wish to support the policies and candidates advocated by the WEA can certainly do so voluntarily. But those who don’t should not have their rights to free speech and free association violated by forced political contributions.
When teachers went to the Washington Supreme Court to fight for their right to voluntarily offer or withdraw their support for union political activity, the court ruled the WEA isn’t technically an "employer" and cannot be held responsible for spending teachers’ money on politics.
Instead, the court placed the burden of protecting teachers on local school districts. This is unfortunate since districts have better things to do than play cop for an organization that has already been fined for the largest campaign finance violation in state history. As a result of this ruling, each of Washington’s 296 school districts has now been notified of its legal obligation to protect its employees or face a possible $10,000 fine per violation.
The WEA likes to label anyone who exposes its corrupt or questionable activity an "enemy of public education." Who’s the real enemy here? Who takes money from teachers for politics without permission? Who forces school districts to take attention away from children in the classroom? Who develops stealth campaigns to influence voters? WEA officials only have to look in the mirror to find the answer.
At a March 23, 2005, House Appropriations hearing on a bill to gut the voter-approved I-601 spending limit, Rep. Jim McIntire (D) asked a supporter of I-601’s two-third supermajority requirement for the legislature to raise taxes the following question:
"Can you name a time when we [legislators] have actually not just set it [supermajority requirement] aside by majority vote? I mean, this is in many respects a procedural motion that has no bearing. It’s a statutory constraint that cannot constrain any legislature that chooses as a majority to set it aside . . . have we ever used a supermajority [to raise taxes]?"