Jason Mercier | Evergreen Freedom Foundation
When do legislative reforms cease to be reforms? Simple: When a state agency
decides it can quietly misinterpret them to advance its own agenda, or when
they dont make it past the governors veto pen.
Such is the fate of two important unemployment insurance (UI) reforms passed
by the state legislature this year. Namely, requiring claimants to provide
proof of identification and reducing the length of time a claimant can collect
benefits from 30 weeks to the standard 26 weeks.
The first was vetoed
by Governor Locke in the name of efficiency (apparently it takes
too long to ask for identification), and the second is being misinterpreted
and misapplied by our states Employment Security Department (ESD).
In a gesture to labor and an attempt to ease the new reforms in gently,
legislators decided the four-week reduction in benefit eligibility would
be triggered when the states unemployment rate dropped to 6.8 percent
or less. Early versions of the process were explained
clearly by the Washington State Labor Council for the benefit of its members,
despite the unions opposition to the reforms:
New claims filed after Jan. 1, 2004 would be limited to 26 weeks of
regular benefits, down from the current maximum of 30 weeks. This would
drop Washington from being one of only two states that allow 30 weeks
to being one of the majority of states at 26. According to Employment
Security estimates, this would save the UI system $160 million over the
next four years, or about $40 million a year. In addition, there will
be more employer savings associated with this change because as benefit
ratios drop, they will be able to drop rate classes faster and thus pay
lower taxes.
Sen. Jim Honeyford (R-Sunnyside), a sponsor of the legislation, said its
intent was for the maximum number of weeks to be reduced to 26 weeks
in a step processa permanent reduction to 26 weeks.
Instead of complying with the legislatures intent, ESD officials
have decided
the reduction is fluid and impermanent. The Department spins it this way:
Once the unemployment rate drops to 6.8 percent or less, the maximum
claim duration will drop to 26 weeks. If the unemployment rate rises to
a rate great than 6.8 percent, the maximum claim duration will increase
to 30 weeks. . . Payment of extended benefits ends and begins depending
on fluctuating unemployment rates. In the absence of language expressing
the legislatures intent that this change shall be permanent, the
Department will adhere to the statute as written.
This was news to Sen. Honeyford, who says he wishes ESD would have
called for clarification if they were uncertain of the legislatures
intent.
Sen. Tim Sheldon (D-Potlatch) also made his thoughts and intentions clear:
This is another time when an agency makes the final determination
on a law because weve (legislators) given them too much flexibility.
I thought this bill was pretty straightforward. The reduction was to be
permanent at 26 weeks.
He went on: Its terribly frustrating for legislators to feel
that theyve negotiated and compromised to pass a law only to find
out that it is immediately changed by an agency. Maybe this is something
well be able to address in the coming session.
Unfortunately, when legislators tried to address the problem of out-of-control
state agencies this year, they ran up against Governor Lockes veto
pen again. House
Bill 1531, approved with overwhelming and bipartisan majorities in both
House and Senate, would have required the governors signature on all
agency rules and regulations.
Fortunately, lawmakers may still have time to rein
in ESD officials before final rules and implementation for the UI eligibility
requirements are adopted. The Department may also need to be reminded that
another of the UI changes legislators made was to strike the directive that
UI laws be liberally construed. Legislators are making it clear
they mean what they say and they expect the law to be enforced and interpreted
as written.
And that is when a reform is truly a reform.
Jason Mercier is a budget research analyst for the Olympia-based Evergreen
Freedom Foundation, a nonprofit public policy research organization dedicated
to individual liberty, free enterprise and accountable government.
Contact: Jason
Mercier | Budget Research Analyst | 360.956.3482
At a March 23, 2005, House Appropriations hearing on a bill to gut the voter-approved I-601 spending limit, Rep. Jim McIntire (D) asked a supporter of I-601’s two-third supermajority requirement for the legislature to raise taxes the following question:
"Can you name a time when we [legislators] have actually not just set it [supermajority requirement] aside by majority vote? I mean, this is in many respects a procedural motion that has no bearing. It’s a statutory constraint that cannot constrain any legislature that chooses as a majority to set it aside . . . have we ever used a supermajority [to raise taxes]?"